Christian Marāthi Literature In Goa
- Professor (Dr.) S. M. Tadkodkar
Professor and Head,
Department of Marathi,
Goa University,
Taleigaon Plateau, Tiswadi, Goa – 403 206
Tel : (O) :0832 – 6519295
(R) : 0832 – 2423577
(m) : 9420595139 and 9405108817
vardeborcartadcodcar@gmail.com
Christian Marāthi Literature In Goa
- Professor (Dr.) S. M. Tadkodkar
Professor and Head,
Department of Marathi,
Goa University,
Taleigaon Plateau, Tiswadi, Goa – 403 206
Tel : (O) :0832 – 6519295
(R) : 0832 – 2423577
(m) : 9420595139 and 9405108817
e-mail id : vardeborcartadcodcar@gmail.com
One, when, goes through the annals of Indian history, amazingly discovers that India was already an Islamic colony well before Christian evangelisation. Both of religions were against the idolatry in India. European Christian missionaries, in their attempt to impart baptism found old archrivals here and also discovered India a rich land of varied identities. The Indo-Portuguese history does not merely include the history of Goa but embraces Kerala, Daman, and Diu of Gujarat state too. It is believed that among the stone crosses with Pahalavi inscriptions in India, the one in St. Thomas Church Mylopore is the oldest one, being traced back to 6th century A.D. The discovery of a St. Thomas Pahalavi cross relic from the port area of Gopakpattanam may prompt one to suggest that Christianity came to Goa well before the Portuguese. However, we do not come across any authentic Christian religious writing in India until fifteenth century. The programme chalked out by the European Christian missionaries to impart religious education to the local converts was both in prose and poetry written in different Indian languages during the 16th and 17th centuries. The first printing press in India that was set up in 1556 at Rachol opened a door to such writing until 1674. These missionaries knowingly or unknowingly catalogued linguistic diversity extensively. Their writings kept these languages alive. Students of languages would observe that the missionaries have contributed a lot to the vernacular languages, since the Christian literature is in both the literary and spoken languages of Goa.
Why did the writing on the Christian tradition take place? The neo-converts conveyed to the ‘padriguru’ (priest) that since entire Hindu scripture was destroyed by the evangelists they be given, in replacement, such reading material from the Christian tradition, that would help them to get peace of mind as have been enjoyed by their counterpart in the West. The ‘padriguru’ readily conceded to their request but with a word of caution that Rome was not built in a day and assured them that, such reading material would be made ready in course of time. Then the stream, in form of the writing on the Christian tradition, went on flowing through for a period of next fifty years or so. Sometimes whims and fancies of rulers also decide fate of languages as that happened to lingua franca in Goa during the 17th century. Stephens’ magnum opus CHRISTIAN PURANNA was permitted and appointed to be read in churches during 1615 by Francis Vieira, the Provincial of the Society of Jesus for the province of Goa. However, its reading in the churches of Goa was forbidden by the Archbishop D. Francisco da Assunçao in 1776.
Apparently, Vasco da Gama forced open sea-gates for Carreira da India, the trade with the eastward part of the Mediterranean and South Europe, on 20th May 1498, when he stepped down from his ship on the soil of India at Calicut, after performing the historic feat of discovering a direct sea-route from Europe to India via the Cape of Good Hope. He opened up his conversation with the native Muslims in Spanish (Castellano) language. (1) When he was questioned by them about his purpose of coming to their country he responded that he expected Christians to be residing in this land and that he was interested in spice trade with them. While referring to this conversation, some even entertained themselves by cherishing the ideals of bygone days and dreamt of an alliance with Prester John and other Catholic powers, which, they believed, existed on the other part of the world. (2) It is well known anecdote, …how Gama and his followers devotedly entered a Saivite temple and there kneeled to say their prayers. In the officiating Brahmins standing there in their white robes and clutching their rosaries, they saw the priests of these Indian Christians. An image of a female goddess (Durga), not wholly visible in the dim light of the cella, was to them Virgo Deipara; and in the curiously contorted Hindoo godlings they found the Eastern counterparts of the Saints of Our Lord. (3)
Not only that, the five people from Calicut whom Gama had picked up and carried while on his way back to his native country were non-Christians, one of them being a Muslim. However, when he wrote a letter to Cardinale on August 25, 1499, he mentioned therein that the Muslim was converted to Christianity and believed that others were original Christians. (4) In reality, the four were local Hindoos who belonged to the community of fisher folks and were taken to his native country to acquaint with the Indian customs. (5) Alvaro Velho, who accompanied Gama, also mistook a Hindoo temple to a church. (6) He compiled a petit vocabulary, with meanings in Portuguese, of a language that was spoken at Calicut. This may be considered as the first book written by a Portuguese in relation to that of Indian languages, although it was a compilation of words to solicit trade inquiries.
Until this time the local Muslim traders were literally dominating the trade and commerce fastening strong ties with South India by the end of the thirteenth century. On the other hand, there were paradessi Muslims who were involved in the oriental trade. They played, initially; a vital role in getting the Portuguese casado traders linked with the principal centers of intra-Asian trade. They were also the main commercial supporters in the early decades of the sixteenth century. It helped the Portuguese to get cargo for their Lisbon-bound ships through the Red Sea, a narrow strip of water of about 80-120 nautical miles in breadth and length of around 1200 nautical miles separating Arabic peninsula from the extreme North-East in the area of African continent. Although the Muslim relationship with the Red Sea, Arabia, and Venice was not scared terribly, it was apprehending a threat to their dominance from the Whites. So much in an anticipation that the Europeans might succeed in the Red Sea trade, Mapila from Malabar and Maraccar from Coromandel, the rich traders successfully developed a healthy relationship with the Portuguese, keeping their own overlord, King Zamorine of Calicut, in dark.
European succeeded in maintaining such a healthy relationship in the Asian continent mainly because of two reasons: Firstly they relentlessly asserted technological edge over the prevalent methods and secondly their cultural penetration effected by the Christian missionaries could divide this other part of the cultural world intellectually and emotionally with all-total a new religious outlook. (7) The Portuguese Church totally worked towards this cultural penetration with enthusiasm and all possible force. The Portuguese Church Padroado was a political and cultural instrument of the Portuguese expansion, ensuring the legitimacy and the monopoly of the religious institutions and the economic benefices (church living) linked to them. (8)
King Dõn Manuel I of Portugal, the harbinger of his European culture, established the Casa da India (India House) in 1503 and imposed a royal monopoly on the spice trade. This ensured and regulated the Eastern commercial activity and the cultural penetration.
The Muslim traders, in the court of Zamorine, began giving vent to their restlessness borne out of the presence of the Gora paradessi - the white foreigners. While these white foreigners did not know Malayalam language, the paradessi Muslim traders were well versed with the Portuguese lingua franca. Zamorine was quite in a confused state of mind since the Portuguese were not in a position to make their stand very clear. Nevertheless, on the other side marital relationship with the Muslim women was taking its obvious shape. Antonio Real wrote from Cochin in 1512 that several Portuguese preferred to have Muslim women as their partners. (9)
The decisive battle of Cochin, in 1504, gave a much-needed victory to Duarte Pacheco Pereira with a realization that it was not only possible for the Portuguese to defend their factories at Cochin, Cannanore and Quilon but also could successfully unarm the local powerful stalwarts.
The new Zamorine, who had usurped his uncle’s throne after poisoning him, bestowed Affonso de Albuquerque, in 1513, with some special privileges in recognition of his commercial co-operation. (10)
Had this situation, comfortable to all, prevailed then Affonso de Albuquerque would have remained contented as other paradessi Muslim traders were, and even would not have thought of moving towards Goa. However, the prevailing scenario had changed considerably.
The Portuguese officers lived deeply satisfied that their trade was going on lucratively. Nevertheless, all those who wished to settle down in India were under a constant threat from their own soldiers. It is believed that the Portuguese shipping of orfãs-del-rei and others included prostitutes. The flesh trade that went on took care to see that the threat did not come in the way of Portuguese nobility, which wished to settle down and lead a cool life. (11) Sometimes one comes across a reference stating there is no doubt that the Portuguese soldiers in the empire often shed more sperm than blood. This qualifying statement may corroborate Affonso de Albuquerque’s letter, which was addressed to his king, stating therein that his soldiers ceases to be men with their days spent in hot sun and nights with the women there. The sexual panting was so uncontrollable that many were tired soon of their Christian spouses and went to bed with Hindoo women. (12) Real’s letter, referred above, is also self-expressive. This life-style had become so alarming that somewhere in 1534, Baltazar Coelho too had written to his king that the captain in Portuguese forts was barring the local rulers and others from sea faring and still earning lots of money. Moreover, some such people and their followers, for dearth of adequate financial sources and abuse of justice, have converted to Islam. The number had crossed thousands. (13) Lust for personal power, wealth and women had come in the way of the State’s lust for power and thirst for evangelisation. At this critical juncture, Timmayya alias Timoja, as if the from blue, appeared before Affonso de Albuquerque like a messenger sent by the Holy Spirit.
Timmayya, commander of roving armada under the Hindoo king of Onor (Honnawar), who had offered his loyalty to the Vijayanagar ruler, joined hands with Albuquerque, for personal gains in power, also on request from the principle headmen of the Hindoo community in Goa. Although Timmayya was offered the principle office, the most honoured in the land and other major rewards, the opportunist Albuquerque, however could easily brush him aside and make him irrelevant, after conquering and reconquring from Adilkhan the land of Goa.
Goa. Tomé Pires, the Portuguese apothecary, in his celebrated writing has termed Goa Soberbo reino de Goa means the magnificent kingdom of Goa. (14) Goa was a better harbour-place for trade compared to Chola. Hanjuman i.e. today’s Hannajunã (also known as Anjunã) was one of the important points in the trading-net run by the Arabs since the 9th century. Adilkhān (Yusuf Adilshah of Bijapur) received, for his state exchequer, 4,00,000 pardaõs every year off custom revenues.
On the other hand, the Hindoo community was constantly under pressure from the tyrannies of Turkish and ‘Rumes’ officers loyal to the Bijapur reign of Yusuf AdilKhān, who, earlier, was a slave of Khwajah Mohammad Gawan at Bidar in Karnataka, the prime minister to Bahmani King Muhammad Shah-III. Albuquerque could visualize that an invitation to conquer Goa from Timmayya was an opportunity to assert his supremacy and command the soldiers to venture upon and exhibit the western might. This opportunity, he thought, would dissuade the soldiers from their day-today malpractice. On February 17, 1510, Albuquerque did as Timmayya wished and then the local collaborator was rebuked and removed unceremoniously. Later, Timmayya went to Vijayanagar. He was poisoned. His wife and children came from Onor and converted to Christianity. (15) That was, perhaps, the only act of that age if to remain alive at the hands of Muslims. In the intervening time, Albuquerque appointed Mel Rao, nephew of the king of Onor, as governor. After an attack from Adilkhān, the Portuguese had to withdraw but Albuquerque reconquered Goa on November 25, 1510. On this day Goa was formally transferred after a treaty was signed between Viceroy Dõ Pedro Mascarenhas and Prince Mealkhān Abdullah, the heir of Adilkhān regime. Albuquerque died on 16 December 1515 but Portuguese rule remained in Goa until December 19, 1960, when it was liberated through military action by the modern and democratically installed government of India.
During the post-Albuquerque period, Portuguese empire’s image in Goa did not wither from its thalassocracy cast in military and ecclesiastical mould. Archbishops and bishops along with their Secular Clergy, Friars or Regular Clergy and the Inquisition had their sway over Goa and Goan fate. Around thirty thousand priests were busy in their mission in this land, which tells the clean story of evangelisation in Goa. (16) From another side the Portuguese were having full-fledged diplomatic relationship with the rulers in the Deccan plateau. The Desais from Pednem - Keshava Naik and Keshava Prabhu - were successful in getting asylum in the Portuguese Goa to secure protection from Adilkhan of Bijapur in 1664. Chitraguptavirachit Shivaji Maharajanchy Bakhar (ed. Sane. P. 133) mentions Shivaji who procured Portuguese engineering talent for the construction of Sindhudurga-Janjira fortress. Adilkhān utilised such Portuguese talent for the construction of a fortress at Belgaum. Portuguese helped Shivaji and the Peshavas on quite a number of occasions against the Mongols and had truce with Lodi khan of the Moguls later. Dr. Pandurang Sakharam Shennavi Pissurlenkar has written extensively on the entire history of such relationships in his masterpiece Portuguez-Marathe Sambandha (Relationship between the Portuguese-Maratha Rulers, (Pune, 1967).
This period of 450 years in Goa saw both – constructive and destructive actions on the part of its conquerors. One of its constructive contributions includes an eradication of social evils like Sati and secondly an advent of printing presses for the first time in the Indian subcontinent. The credit of taking the first step against the sati custom goes to Affonso de Albuquerque. The credit of bringing, though by chance, the first printing press to Goa, on September 06, 1556, goes to the Jesuits though it was not the only sect that had landed in Goa after Affonso de Albuquerque asserted his hold over the Goan land and had everything in his tight grip.
All the references to the works of Jesuits and Franciscans may also be confirmed with the following documentation:
1. Antonio da Silva Rego, Docomentaçao para a Historia das Missões do Padroado Portuguese do Oriente, Vol. V, Lisboa, 1951, pp. 395-513, and Vol. VII, Lisboa, 1952, pp. 367-369.
2. Abbot Diogo Barbosa Machado, Bibliotheca Lusitana, Lisboa, 1741.
3. Joaquim Heliodoro DA Cunha Rivara, Ensaio Histórico da Lingua Concani, Goa 1858, Capitulo XXXII and its translation given in The Printing Press In India by its writer A. K. Priolkar, Bombay, 1958, pp. 149-236.
Dr. Suresh Ramkrushnna Chunekar, the editor of Maharashtra Saunshodhan Patrika (Bombay, July 1971) categorically justified that the history of Marathi literature could not be complete without considering positively inclusion of the contributions from the non-Marathi writers and Priolkar contended that all those who contributed to Marathi language were indeed Marathi writers.
There is an instance of entry in Goa by the Augustine monastic order [named after St. Augustine of Hippo (354-430)]. The Santa Inez (St. Agnes) chapel (1584) situated on the outskirts of Panaji (Nova Goa) city was raised to the standard of a parish church in 1606. The Augustinians conducted it. For a while, its control was extended over the villages of Panaji, Santa Cruz, and Taleigaon. Although it was also a strong supporter of preaching in vernaculars along with the doctrine of predestination and grace, one does not come across their active contribution to the literature of Marathi and Konkani during the 17th century.
The Dominicans (named after the Spanish priest St. Dominic and founded in 1215) worked in Goa for eleven years independently. Later on, they indulged in their mission under the auspices of Covento de São Domingos (1564). Out of thirty villages from erstwhile Ilhas (commonly known as Tiswadi) province Dominicans worked hard in fifteen places viz. Taleigão, Calapur (Santa Cruz), Shirdon (Velha Goa), Morõbĩ and others. Nevertheless, no ‘glaring’ contribution to literature from the Dominicans, during the 17th century, has so far been traced.
There may be some confusion with dates of arrival of the Franciscans (named after Francis of Assisi and founded about in 1209-10) and Dominicans in Goa. Franciscans and Jesuits (founded in 1539) made special and everlasting influence Goan religious culture; so much, so that the Christian Communities formed had to be shared. Daman and Diu (1535), and Provinces of Bardesh and Salcete (1544) were annexed to the Portuguese State. Bardesh was brought under jurisdiction of the Franciscan friars, the entire land of Salcete provinces, and fifteen villages from the Tiswadi that included Choddanna (Chorão) and Diwadi (Diwar) was handed over to the Jesuits.
Padre Frei Francisca Xavier, an Italian, who had prepared a grammar of Konkani, makes a mention to the Balabodha, Nagari and Moaddi scripts, was Carmelite missionary.
Thus, sharing of the provinces gave opportunity to Franciscans and Jesuits to exhibit their edge over each other especially over the acquiring knowledge of the vernaculars of the place. Initially, Franciscans rode the race but in course of time because of the self-binding constitutional edicts dictated by Ignatius Loyola eventually helped the Jesuits to win.
Jesuits have been quite industrious in producing missionary literature in Indian languages since inception of their Order by Ignatius Loyola. Jesuit has remained, indeed, a prominent name in the history of Christianity. Rev. Ethelred Luke Taunton (Society of Jesus) tells about the nature of this sect of Christianity as follows:
“Jesuits, the name generally given to the members of the Society of Jesus, a religious order in the Roman Catholic Church, founded in 1539. This Society may be defined, in its original conception and well-avowed object, as a body of highly trained religious men of various degrees, bound by the three personal vows of poverty, chastity and obedience, together with, in some cases, a special vow to the pope’s service, with the object of labouring for the spiritual good of themselves and their neighbours…They are governed and live by constitutions and rules, mostly drawn up by their founder, St. Ignatius Loyola, and approved by the Popes. Their proper title is ‘Clerks Regulars of the Society of Jesus’, the word Societas being taken as synonymous with original Spanish term, Compañia.” (17)
A clause - special provision – was made in the constitution of order of Jesuits is as follows:
“…for the greater union of those that live in the Society, and for the greater assistance of those among whom they dwell, all shall study the language of the region wherein they reside, unless their own native tongue be there more profitable.” (18)
Loyola had, perhaps, anticipated faster evangelisation if missionaries respected this clause that instructs them to mix with the local communities with the help of the community’s lingua franca and achieve the temporal success. The Jesuits did not fail Loyola. Some of them who came to India are:
1. Padre Henrique Henriques, known as the apostle of Camorĩ knew the Malabar (Tamil?) language. He compiled a vocabulary and wrote a grammar of that language. Besides this, Abbade Diogo Barboza Machado in the Bibliotheca Lusitana has catalogued his unpublished work that included a greater and small catechism, Lives of the Savior, of Our Lady and Saints, translations of number of treatises and several other apologetical writings in the Malabar. His catechism may be considered as the first printed book in Tamil characters.
2. Father Robert de Nobili, an Italian missionary, well known as the Roman Sanyassy acquired mastery over Sanskrit and Telugu.
3. Father Leonardo Cinnamo (or Cinami) who worked for twenty years in Karnataka has been glorified by Reverend Cecilio Gomes Rodeles as follows:
“India is indebted to him for a most complete ‘Catechism of the mysteries of the Faith,’ a Compendium of the Christian Doctrine in elegant Kanarese, for the instruction of the neophytes, as also for sundry Lives of Saints and an Apology of the mysteries of the Faith, with a refutation of pagan sects and superstitions. Availing himself of his deep knowledge of Kanarese, he also composed a Dictionary and a Grammar. (19)
4. Father Beschi will be remembered for his outstanding contribution to the Tamil language. Professor Thomas Srinivasan evaluates his contribution in he following words:
“Considering the mass and the quality of Beschi’s work, his place in the Tamil literature is assured on the heights. Tamil prose has never been simpler and clearer, reflecting every shade of abstruse sense and responsive to every change of mood, than when Beschi wielded it…His poetry...is the best perhaps that any man ever wrote in a language not his mother tongue. (20)
Father Hironimo Xavier (Persian) and Archbishop Dõn Fransisco Garcia (Canarina, Industan, Malabar, Saskandra - Sanskrit) are also the noteworthy names in this context.
Goa, in the seventeenth century, too witnessed the production of literature in Marathi that also has linguistic importance. This contribution had come from such Christian missionaries who were not Indians but they learnt Marathi well and wrote in that language with natural fluency. Father Thomas Stephens, genius of all and the foremost of these writers, began writing in Marathi and the rest followed. They remained a source of inspiration for the native Goan Christian writers as well. They produced poetry, prose, dictionaries, and grammars.
Historical facts suggest that the Portuguese regime, which was totally controlled by the Church, was fancied making allowance for writing and publishing, reading and listening to in the vernacular language in Goa. Although not even a single book was published in the absence of formal permission granted by the Church, sometimes it was favourable and quite often reluctant to allow writing in Marathi.
On the arrival of Portuguese in Goa, temples were demolished. This act ensured that the Hindu cult would have no bearing on the neo-converts. During the onslaught books written in the vernacular language, containing or suspected to be preaching idolatry were burnt and destroyed.
Conquerors have to give a thought to the fact that they have to run an administration, procure land revenue. Nevertheless, Portuguese wished that Christian Faith be spread. They needed vernacular language for dialogue with subject for all these purposes. The Provincial Councils recommended and ordered the use and study of the language of land of Goa for preaching the truth of Our Holy Faith.
The first Provincial Council held in Goa states (Act I, Decree no. 5 of 1567) that:
“Since this preaching would be more fruitful, if the preacher were well versed with in the language of those to whom they would preach, the Council very earnestly urges the Prelates that they should have in their dioceses trustworthy persons, who would learn languages, and might be admitted for priesthood, and in turn would busy themselves with the work of preaching and hearing confessions, and imparting the doctrine required for conversion; and request His Majesty to order the Hindus to attend these sermons, imposing on the disobedient suitable punishment.”(21)
The third Provincial Council held in Goa orders (Act II, Decree no. 25 of 1585) that “a compendium of catechism be made in the Portuguese language, and the doctrine contained therein be taught generally in all parts of India, with a view to maintaining uniformity in all things. This catechism should be translated into the vernacular of the place and taught to the people where conversions may be taking place.”
The 4th Provincial Council repeats (Act II, Decree no. 5 of 1592) “…what has already been decreed by the previous Council regarding the teaching of catechism to those about to be baptised and orders that a compendium of Christian doctrine and instruction be made, and translated in the most common language of the province…”
The 5th Provincial Council says (Decree no. 9, Section-3 of 1606) that “This Sacred Synod in consonance with the Sacred Canons and Apostolic Constitutions, in order that the churches may be well administered, orders and strictly directs that no Priest, Secular or Regular, be placed as a Vicar in charge, unless he knows the language of the place, in which he should be examined; as it is essential for the good of the souls, sound instruction of the parishioners and better administration of the Sacraments, those who are at present holding the place of the Vicars, and are ignorant of the language, should learn the language within a period six months to be given for that purpose beginning from the date of publication of this Decree; and if at the end of the time given they are yet ignorant they will be ipso facto suspended and lose all jurisdiction over their parishioners…”
All the above Decrees made an attempt to impress upon the missionaries that it was a vernacular language that mattered the most when a religion needed its roots to go deep in the particular land.
With the help of guidelines given by the Councils both – Franciscans and Jesuits led and confirmed the future of converts of the seventeenth century as the Christians of Goa. Keeping in tune with the guidelines, they produced literature in Marathi and Konkani. Although the Franciscans encouraged such writing, the zeal eroded in course of time so much so that they tenaciously opposed the policy of learning vernaculars.
We hereafter will focus on the Marathi writing produced by the Jesuits.
The first Jesuit, who came to Goa, was none other than Master Francis Xavier who was later honoured as a saint in the Catholic hierarchy. He landed in Goa on May 6, 1542. He prepared for the benefit the children a handy Doutrina Christã in Portuguese that was published in 1557. Although Master Francis, in 1549, had written a letter expressing a desire that Christian literature should be printed in, Japanese language (23) there is no instance of expression of his will for having literature in vernacular in Goa for evangelisation. Subsequently, his Doutrina was translated in Tamil by Padre Henrique Henriques and printed in 1578. However, the book had to take its shape in the vernacular language and keep in waiting for more than thirty-five years.
The first Jesuit who thought of writing Doutrina Christã in a Goan language (Doutrina Christã em Lingua Bramana-Canarim,) was Father Thomas Stephens, a British (1549-1619). He had comprehended that indigenous languages have a vital role in the programme for religious activities. Indeed, Stephens, by himself, mentions in his Puranna that it was written at the instance of a neo-Christian, a Brahmin to fill in the void created in their religious upbringing after the forcible seizure of the writing referring to their erstwhile religious culture. (I, 1, 143). He went a little further and advocated the adoption of natural script of indigenous languages. The following text of a letter, which was written by him on December 05, 1608 from Salcete in Goa to his superiors in the Society of Jesus in Rome, would substantiate his approach:
“Before I end this letter I wish to bring before Your Paternity’s mind the fact that for many years I have strongly desired to see in this Province some books printed in the language and alphabet of the land, as there are in Malabar with great benefit for that Christian community. This could not be achieved for two reasons; the first because it looked impossible to cast so many moulds amounting to six hundred, whilst the characters are syllables and not alphabets, as our twenty-four in Europe. The other because this holy curiosity could not be put into execution without the order and concession of the Provincial and they have so many things to look after that have no time to attend to this, much more to take it in hand. The first difficulty has its remedy in this that these moulds can be reduced to two hundred. The second will vanish if Your Paternity thought it fit to write Father Provincial, recommending him that he may do it if he feels that it will be for the greater glory of God, and edification and benefit of this Christian community.” (24)
The Jesuit genius’s magnum opus a fine poetry in Marathi, based on the Bible, entitled “Discurso sobre a vinda de Jesu Christo Nosso Salvador ao Mundo” (A Discourse on the coming of Jesus Christ, the Savior of the World.) commonly known as CRISTA PURANNA has received accolades from one and all. It was so popular that three editions of this book were published in 1616, 1649 and 1654. All the editions however were published in the Roman script. Possibly his request and suggestions did not receive favourable considerations in view of the previous attempts of preparing printing types of the Devanagari script. Indeed, there was an attempt at preparing printing matrices of the Devanagari script as Father George Schurhmmer has noted down as follows:
“By the end of year 1577 there were cast about 50 letters in the Devanagari scrip, but brother João Gonsalves who prepared them died in the following year, and his companion Father João de Faria also having expired in the year 1582, there was none who was able to undertake the work. For this reason the Puranna was printed in Latin characters in the College of Rachol in the years 1616, 1649 and in the College of Saint Paul in the year 1654.” (25)
I would say that the Church might have been very keen in having the Devanagari script for the vernaculars in Goa but the multiplicity and range of syllables might have discouraged the printers, who were entrusted with the work of printing after the death of brother João Gonsalves and his companion Father João de Faria. The fact remains is that the Church, then had not stopped anyone from casting types of scripts of other Indian languages.
Dr. Abbot claimed that the CRISTA PURANNA of Stephens, the manuscript of which is in the School of Oriental and African Studies at London (England) was, indeed, written in the Devanagari script, But Prof. Shantaram Bandelu, who has transliterated the PURANNA in the Devanagari script (Pune, 1956), negated this claim. Prof. Bandelu did the tedious job of transliteration, based on the text of PURANNA that was edited by Joseph Saldhana at Mangalore in 1907. It should be noted here that this edited work is not the facsimile of the original PURANNA and therefore has certain lacunae: Firstly, it has excluded some verses, which have been traced later in other copies. It seriously invalidates the fact that the entire Christian Marathi literature has been following, sharply, the style in the Hindu religious writing, which missionaries begot from various sources. It also helps to clean off the possibility of studying the nature of word formation that has taken place in the missionary writing in Marathi. It has missed a score of words like ‘adipurannẽ’ (original scriptures), mahapuranna (unabridged scriptures), deuacharitracatha’ (stories, praising the Lord), prathamodhyaya (first chapter), ‘shubhambhauatu’ (let auspiciousness prevail), Itishri (the end). Saldhana has mentioned that he knew about sixteen copies of the Stephens’ Puranna. Those copies were traced in Goa (six), Bombay (three), Mangalore (three) and abroad (four). He could observe eleven out of them. However, he did not mention the sources of their availability.
Saldhana has given the text in the Roman script and not transliterated one. He could not compare the language of PURANNA to that of thirteenth century. It was the scheme framed with the help of the spoken language at that point of time and one would not know the exact nature of the then pronunciation. Therefore, Saldhana need not be stigmatised for the conclusion derived from the texts and read in view of the contemporary nature of pronunciation.
However based on the copy, that was traced from Marsden collection and Prof. Bandelu’s transliterated CRISTA PURANNA, Father Caridade Drago produced yet another edited copy of CRISTA PURANNA (Bombay, 1996). It has Sanskrutised terminology, a standard version of Marathi words, and less number of strophes. The beginning and ending of a chapter coincides with the style found in any other Hindu religious writing in Marathi. Thus, Stephen’s CRISTA PURANNA saw six published editions, although the copies of the first three are not traceable.
CRISTA PURANNA, as it was stated earlier, is the poetic work based on the Bible and has two parts – Pailẽ PURANNA and Dussarẽ PURANNA (i. e. old testament and new testament). The entire work is in the Oavee meter, the most frequently written style adopted by the Marathi poets since the 13th century. The Pailẽ PURANNA contains 4181 and Dussarẽ PURANNA has 6781 oavees, more than what is written by Dnyaneshwar in his celebrated treatise on Sanskrit Bhagwadgita titled Dnyaneshwari (1290 A. D.). It has 10, 962 oavees.
Stephens categorically mentions therein that entire poetry is in Marathi with admixture of tongue of local Brahmins (26)
With this submission, it is tangibly clear that Stephens stressed on the mutual intelligibility. Apart from that Stephens has sung glory of the Marathi language (I, I, 121 to 126 see Appendix - B). This writing has, obviously, inspired other poets. Around four stanzas from the Puranna (II, 48 – 92, 95, 183, 184) have been bodily transferred to the third text of the Paixão de Cristo (Christi Vilapika) (stanzas no. 44, 45 and 59). There is no doubt that the poet of this Christi Vilapika was well conversant with the Stephan’s classic writing. One cannot avoid a possibility that Stephens himself wrote the Vilapika, since the writing is included in the same bound. Joaquim Heliodoro da Cunha Rivara, who roused, in the late 19th century, the passion for Konkani language and literature among the Goans, states in his epoch-making Ensaio Historico da Lingua Concani (Nova Goa, 1858). (27)
Stephens produced a 86 page book in the form of a dialogue entitled Christian Doctrine in the Brahmin-Canarim language (Doutrina Christa em Lingoa Bramana-Canarim), for instruction of children of the neo-converts in Goa, exactly In tune with the orders (Act II, Decree no. 25 of 1585) of 3rd Provincial Council held there. Rivara mentions in his essay, referring to the note in a book titled Oriente Conquistado, that this book was the Cartilha by Father Marcos Jorge, well known by the name of the one who amended it - Padre Mestre Ignacio Martins. It was published in 1622 in the printing press at Rachol (originally known as Raitur). A copy of the printed book is in government library, Lisbon, a facsimile version of which was edited published by Dr. Mariano Saldhana, the retired Professor of Lisbon University in 1955. Prof. A. K. Priolkar later transliterated some of its parts from the available text in the Devanãgri script for inclusion in his celebrated book “the Printing Press in India” and transliterated into the Devanagari script wholly and independently in 1965. The text of DOUTRINA CRISTÃ (1614) written by Stephens well before his CRISTA PURANNA was written. Therein the latter book, Priolkar has included a full note on the preparation of all the doctrines since 354 A. D. He has also included therein, the Method of Serving Mass, the English version of SEGUESSE OMODO COMO HAÕ DE AIUDAR AMISSAA in Latin, which was given at the end of original edition of DOUTRINA CRISTÃ
Stephens also wrote a grammar of Canarim language, titled ARTE DA LINGUA CANARIM, a savant act of an ardent lover of indigenous language. It was printed in 1640 in the College of St. Ignatius of the same Society after it was enlarged by Father Diogo Rebeiro, and revised by four other Jesuit priests. Rivara reprinted the same in 1859.
A French missionary named R. P. Etiene De La Croix (1579-1643) followed in the direction set by Stephens. No authentic writing, other than his magnum opus, a poetic writing ((1634) on the life of Saint Peter is found on his name as yet. The title of his biographical poetry may be known as PETER PURANNA (Discursos sobre a vida do Apostolo Sam Pedro em que se refutam os principaes erros do gentilismo deste Oriente e se declarão varios misterios de nossa sancta Fe: com varia Doutrina util e necessaria e esta nova Christandade, Casa Professa de Jesus, Goa.) Discourses on the life of the Apostle Saint Peter in which are refuted the principal errors of the gentiles of the Orient and various mysteries of our Holy Faith are declared herein. This is the poetry written in the language of Bramana Marastta and was printed at Casa Professa of Jesuit missionaries in the island of Goa. A copy of this Puranna is available in the government library at Lisbon-Portugal. Another printed copy is available in the Central Library at Panaji-Goa.) It is printed in the Roman script. Prof. Priolkar confirmed authorship of this Puranna since it was unknown to Cunha Rivara as well. While endeavoring to write a biographical poetry on the life of Saint Peter, Padre Croix seldom missed any opportunity of incorporating an offending refutation and ridiculing the religious practices prevalent then in Goa casting aspersions on Hindu gods. He says:
"Mugytiuãta Apostola S. Pedruchẽ zinnỹ, anny abhinaua
qhellãchẽ Discursa, veueqha quelỹ hati. Bhassa Maratthy ghaddita vouiyãchẽ. Abhauica Cõcannẽ gẽtia locu S. Pedru praty prusttnu caritã, annỹ bhagtu teyansi pratiutara dentã, xastraueuadu manddoni cõnnetuachẽ chedanna caritae. Maga queuala Paramesparu ta cauannu mhannoni arthuni dauitaẽ. ...Dussarea Purannachi pancha cãnddẽ. Pailẽ cãddi viuidhã cõcanneãchea cudeuãchẽ bhazana chedilẽ ahe; Dussarẽ cãddi pursã ãdisttanchẽ puzana chedilẽ asse: Tissare cãnddim saitanã maruã, bhutã, betãllãchẽ qhãddanna quelẽ ahe. Chouthẽ cãddi tetissa cottim cudeuanchy bhazana chedily ahe. Panchama canddi Bramha, Visttnnu, Mhaessache bhazanechẽ chedanna quelẽ asse. Anny Cõcanneanchi xastrẽ, veda, purannẽ, ritu, achara, vpachara yetuquei cuddha lattica mhannoni, aissiya saqhy deuni praghattauile asse. "
(Transliterated version:
" ¨ÉÖÎMiÉ´ÉÆiÉÉ +É{ÉÉäºiÉÉä±ÉÉ ºÉÉÆiÉÖ {ÉäpÖùSÉäÓ ÊVÉhÉÒ +ÉhÉÒ +ʦÉxÉ´É JÉä³ýÉÆSÉêÓ ÊnùºEÖòºÉÇ Ê´É´ÉäJÉ Eäò±ÉäÓ ½þÉÊiÉ. ¦ÉÉºÉ ¨É®úÉ`öÒ PÉÊb÷iÉ ´ÉÉäʴɪÉÉÆSÉå. +¦ÉÉÊ´ÉEò EòÉåEòhÉäÓ VÉåÊiÉªÉ ±ÉÉäEÖò ºÉÉÆiÉÖ {ÉäpÖù |ÉÊiÉ |ɺ]ÂõxÉÖ EòÊ®úiÉÉÆ, +ÉhÉÒ ¦ÉMiÉÖ iÉäªÉÉÆ漃 |ÉÊiÉ=iÉ®ú näùxiÉÉÆ, ¶ÉɺjÉ´Éä´ÉÉnÖù ¨ÉÉhb÷ÉäÊxÉÓ EòÉåEòhÉäi´ÉÉSÉå UäônùhÉ EòÊ®úiÉÉB. ¨ÉMÉ Eäò´É±É {É®ú¨Éäº{ɯû iÉÉ Eò´ÉhÉÖ ¨½þhÉÉäÊxÉ +lÉÖÇÊxÉ nùÉÊ´ÉiÉÉB. ...nÖùºÉ®äú+É {ÉÖ®úÉhÉÉSÉÓ {ÉÉ\SÉ EòÉhbå÷. {É<±Éä EòÉÆb÷Ó Ê´ÉÊ´ÉvÉÉÆ EòÉåEòhÉä+ÉÆSÉä+É EÖònäù´ÉÉÆSÉå ¦ÉVÉxÉ UäôÊnù±Éå +ɽäþ; nÖùºÉ®äú EòÉÆb÷Ó {ÉÖºÉÉÈ +ÉÊnùº]õÉ\SÉä {ÉÖVÉxÉ UäôÊnù±Éä +ºÉä: Êiɺɮäú EòÉÆb÷Ó ºÉèiÉÉxÉÉÆ ¨Éɯû´ÉÉÆ, ¦ÉÖiÉÉÆ, ¤ÉäiÉɳýÉÆSÉä JÉÆb÷hÉ Eäò±Éå +ɽäþ. SÉÉèlÉä EòÉÆb÷Ó iÉäÊiÉºÉ EòÉäË]õ EÖònäù´ÉÉ\SÉÒ ¦ÉVÉxÉ UäôÊnù±ÉÒ +ɽäþ. {É\SÉ¨É EòÉhb÷Ò ¥É¨½þÉ, ʴɺ]ÂõhÉÖ, ¨½þÉBºÉÉSÉä ¦ÉVÉxÉäSÉä UäônùhÉ Eäò±Éä +ºÉä. +ÉhÉÒ EòÉåEòhÉÒ+É\SÉÒ ¶ÉɺjÉä, ´Éänù, {ÉÖ®úÉhÉå, Ê®úiÉÖ, +ÉSÉÉ®ú, ={ÉSÉÉ®ú ªÉäiÉÖEäò< EÖòfø ±ÉÊ]õEò ¨½þhÉÉäÊxÉ, BäʺɪÉÉ ºÉÉJÉÒ näù=ÊxÉ |ÉPÉ]õʴɱÉä +ºÉä."
The above excerpt from the Peter Puranna proves that, unlike Stephens, Croix was not quite versatile and therefore does nor excel in comprehending the orthography of Marathi language, especially in the case of nasals, and its corresponding characters from the Roman script.
Although the work in verse form of Croix is much more than that of Stephens', the latter appears to be a genius among the Christian Marathi litterateurs from the 17th century. It will be very difficult to categorise this Puranna with Stephens’ for its poetic extravaganza. In addition, a tool may focus on the contemporary social matrix. It refers to several the then popular Marathi classical writings such as Ashwmedha, Bhagawat, Yoagwasishttha, and others.
The text comprises of three PURANNA, as Croix himself named them, and has spread over 15000 oavees, longer than the CRISTA PURANNA of Stephens. Incomplete copies of the same are available in the Central Library, Panaji (Goa) and government library, Lisbon (Portugal). Tallying the two copies may produce a complete book. This is very essential to protect and maintain the heritage of Goan Marathi language for the posterity.
Priolkar has contended that Croix also wrote a book in Marathi verse on Passion. His contention is as follows:
“On the other hand Father Etienne de la Croix, the French Jesuit, who succeeded Father Stephens as the director of the Jesuit College at Rachol (originally known as Raitur) is known to have written a Passion Poem of this nature. A flattering reference to this poem can be found in the writings of Father Alex Rhodes in the course of an account of his travels published about 1621 A. D. He writes: ‘I had the great pleasure of meeting R. P. Etienne Cruisius. He has perfectly mastered the two languages of that country. The Canarine (Konkani), which is in popular use, and the Maraste language (Marathi), which has the same position as Latin enjoys amongst us. These languages he speaks better than the natives themselves. In addition, has published many books in either of these languages, which are highly praised by all. I saw a very fine poem on the Passion of Our Lord which the Christians sang in the Church in the evenings of all Lent Fridays; the devotion lasted for a larger part of the night, with an attendance so large, that from Goa itself ordinarily ten to twelve thousand persons came to take part in this beautiful devotion.’ ” (28)
In view of the above, some observations can be noted down as follows:
(i). Croix had come to India in 1602 and his magnum opus Peter
Puranna was published in 1634, after the death of Stephens in 1619.
(ii). Rhodes mentions in his account published in 1621 that Croix has
published many books in either of these Canarine (Konkani and Maraste (Marathi) languages that are highly praised by all. The fact is that we have not been able to trace a single book on Croix’s authorship, in either of these languages, so far, other than his PETER PURANNA, which was published in 1634.
(iii). Rhodes observed that he saw a very fine poem on the Passion
of Our Lord, which the Christians sang in the Church in the evenings of all Lent Fridays. But he does not mention that the Passion that was being sung was of Croix.
(iv). It is obvious that the Passion might not have been written by
Croix but by Stephens himself. Rivara gives such references as follows in his Essay: “Passion of Christ Our Redeemer, composed by Father Thomas Stephens of the Society of Jesus, and additions made by Pascoal Gomes da Faria, priest of the Order and habit of the Prince of the Apostle Saint Peter, native of Batim, parish of our Lady of Guadalupe, of the Island of Goa of a few hymns at he end of the book. Year 1772.” (29).
(vi). The other Jesuits enlarged the Stephens’ grammar and the
Passion. The Faithful population accepted three editions of Cristapuranna within a span of thirty-eight years. Even Father Gasper de São praised him. Miguel, who was a Franciscan, in a write-up, which is included in the beginning of the Cristapuranna. In view of the above that one comes to certain conclusion that Stephens was quite popular, and
(v). Two texts, except the second one, out of the three texts, which supplemented the CRISTA PURANNA, have no confirmed authorship. However, the nature of sublimity one experiences in the texts of Passion resembles the sublimity one experiences in the PURANNA. Besides, some of the strophes from the PURANNA are bodily present in the third text of Paixão de Christ. Croix would never have aimed at having authored these strophes by him written by Stephens in or before 1621 because Stephens had passed away just two years earlier in 1619
Third in succession, the next Christian Marathi poet .is obviously Padre Antonio de Saldanha (1598-1663), a Portuguese priest. A Marathi verse entitled Tratados dos Milagres (Treatise of Miracle) on the life and miracles worked by Saint Anthony of Padua - Italy (“Padva mhallalea xarantulea Sancto Antonichy Zivitua Catha”) too is in the Roman script. It was transliterated in the Devanãgri script by Prof. Priolkar (Bombay, 1956). The second part of this book entitled SANCTO ANTONICHY ACHARYÃ (1655). It was re-printed by Priolkar in 1963. Its following edition was published (Old Konkani Language and Literature - The Portuguese Role (Goa, 1999) by Dr. Olivinho Jose Francisco Gomes.
This writing by Saldanha is in two parts; the first is in Konkani prose whereas the next one is in Oavee form of Marathi poetry. A copy of the original is available in the government library, Lisbon (Portugal). Another of his writing, in two parts, includes Fructos da Arvore da vida (Fruits of the Tree of Life- Ziuitavruqheachy Phallem), the first part of which is in Konkani prose, the second being in Marathi verse, which is still in manuscript form. Another book written by him is Rosas e Boninas deleitosas (not dated)(Delightful Roses and Daisies from the delicious Garden of Mary and Her Rosary, translated and composed with suitable reflections for the good of souls. Rachol (It was originally known as Raitur). Other books on his name are still in manuscript form: Beneficios Insignes dos Anjos Custodios (Notable benefits through the Guardian Angels) and Baculo Pastoral (Pastoral Staff) for the administration of Sacraments and other Parochial obligations).
JESUITS writers in Goa also include the following:
1.Father Diogo Ribeiro (1560-1633), a Portuguese:
i. Explicação (Declaração da Doutrina Christã (A Statement of Christian Doctrine), gathered from Cardinal Belarmine and other authors. College of Rachol, 1632.
ii. Diogo Barbosa Machado in his Bibliotheca Lusitana (1741) has mentioned that Padre Ribeiro had done quite a number of translations.
iii. He has added supplements to the Arte da Lingua Canarim of Stephens.
iv. He has enlarged (269 folios) vocabularies of Stephens and other priests of the Society of Jesus residing in Salcete. It is in two volumes, the first includes vocabulary from Canarim to Portuguese and another includes from Portuguese to Canarim. It is still in the formof manuscript with Central Library, Government of Goa, Panaji. Its title is O vocabulário da Lingua Canarim feito pelos Padres da Companhia de IHS que residem em Salcete e novamente acrecentado em varios modos de fallar pello Pe. Diogo Ribeiro da mesma Companhia. Anno 1626. The vocabularies were further enlarged by Father Miguel de Almeida.
2. Padre Miguel de Almeida (1607-1683), a Portuguese:
(i). Cinco Practicás sobre as palavras, exurgens Maria, Goa no ditto Collegio (Five sermons on the words Exurgens Maria, Goa in the same College) (not extant)
(ii). Sermões de Santos do tempo Quaresmal (Sermons of - on the – the Saints and for Lent). It is a manuscript.
(iii). A reference has already been made earlier that Almeida had enlarged the vocabulary compiled by Ribeiro.
(iv). The only available writing of this author is Jardim de Pastores (Garden of the Shepherds or the Feasts of the Year, printed at the College of Society in Bramana language) in 1658. It was written in five volumes and only two of them viz. III and IV are available, the first being in the Central Library, Government of Goa, Panaji the another is in the Marsden Collection at the School of Oriental and African Studies Library, London.
3. Padre João de Pedrosa: (1616-1672), a Portuguese:
(i). Solilóquios Divinos (Divine Soliloquies) is not an original but a translation of a book written by a Jesuit priest Bernardino de Vilhegas from Castellino (Spanish) language into the local Bramana language. Bernardino was a Professor of Theology in the Jesuits’ College of Saint Stephen of Murcia and Calificador of the Holy Office.
(ii). Instrucção para a Confissão Sacramental is another book shown in the Bibliotheca Lusitana, the biographical account given by Machado, which could not be published because he expired suddenly. Lusitana does not mention language of this book.
4. Padre Theotonio Joseph/Jose. His biographical data is not available. He had written for instruction to children Compendio da Doutrina Christã (Compendium of Christian Doctrine) which received the necessary sanction for publication in 1758 at Lisbon, has three chapters, first of which in the local Bramana language.
FRANCISCANS writers in Goa include the following:
1. Frei Amador da Santa Anna: Flos Sanctorum, a proper translation in the mother tongue of the East.
2. Frei Manoel Banha: Vocabulario,a manuscript. (Not extant)
3. Frei Christovão de Jesus: Grammatical da Lingua Bramana ordenada pello P. Fr. Christovão de Jesus no anno de 1635. (Grammar of Bramana ordinary language by Frei Christovão de Jesus in the year 1635) A copy of this manuscript (codice 40, folios 164-206) is in the Marsden Collections at the School of Oriental and African Studies, London.
4. Frei João da São Mathias: a Portuguese. He had translated Cardeala Ballarmina’s Symbolo da Fé (Symbol of Faith) probably in the standard Marathi. Vida de Christo (Life of Christ) in the Bramana language is also known as Puranna. Lusitana refers it as Puritana. This extensive writing of two thousand strophes was a combined effort on the part of Frei Santa Anna and Frei Mathias which has a special mention in Antonio da Silva Rego’s fifth volume of Documenta Indica.
5. Frei Manoel Bauptista (alive till1654) : wrote Catecismo (Catechism- manuscript).
6. Frei Manoel de Lado: He was Provincial in 1661 and 1662 and wrote catecismo (Catechism-manuscript).
7. Frein Domingos de São Bernardino: He was an Indian and rose to the position of Commissary of the Holy Office. He wrote Exposição do Credo (An Explanation of the Creed-manuscript).
8. Frei Gaspar de São Miguel: Exact dates of his lifetime are still not recorded but relatively enormous contribution from this Franciscan is commendable. The striking aspect, like Stephens, of his contribution is that entire volume of writing is in printed form. Lusitana mentions that he wrote and dedicated his works to King Philip IV of Portugal the following works and managed to get them published:
i. Das Estaçoes (The Instructions) parish priests are expected to impart on the mysteries of Our Faith to their flock, and explaining the seven Sacraments and God’s commandments. C. R. Boxer prepared ‘A tentative checklist of Indo Portuguese Imprints, 1556-167’(Boletim do Instituto Vasco-da-Gama, no. 73, Goa 1956) in which this entry did not find place. One finds illustration on Qua’ro Novissimos (Four Objectives) another book as A. Silva Rego mentions.
ii. Sermões do tempo e dos santos (Sermons on the seasons of the year and on saints), 4 vol.
iii. Baculo Pastoral (Pastoral Staff) is in Goan language.
iv. Symbolo da Fé (Symbol of Faith) of Ven. Father Luiz de Granada.
v. Symbolo do Cordeal Bellarmino (Symbol of Cardinal Bellarmine). One may recollect the Frei João da São Mathias’ Cardeala Ballarmina’s Symbolo da Fé (Symbol of Faith) probably in the standard Marathi. Vida de Christo (Life of Christ) in the Bramana language, which is also known as Puranna. Lusitana refers it as Puritana. This long writing of two thousand strophes was a combined effort on the part of Frei Santa Anna and Frei Mathias which has a special mention in Antonio da Silva Rego’s fifth volume of Documenta Indica.
vi. Manual para os Parocos e Reitores (a Handbook for the parish priests and rectors).
vii. Paixão de Christ (Passion of Christ) It contains three thousand verses.
viii. Gravidade de Peccado (Gravity of Sin).
ix. Explicação de Credo (Expanation of Creed), Life of the Apostels, with various documents and refutation of idolatory, rites and heathen superstitions.
x. Das miserioas humanas (The Human Miseries), gravity of sin, four last ends, and the benefits o God. The last two books, according to Machado’d Lusitana, contain six thousand strophes and may be entitled Viueqhamalla meaning Judicious Declaration. It is tretise on deceit and idolatory.
xi. Poesia (A Poem) composed in praise of Father Thomas Stephens. It is printed in the beginning of the Crista Puranna.
xii. Sintaxis Copiosissima na Lingoa Bramana e Pollida (no. 40, folios 126-163), a manuscript, which is available in the Marsden Collection at the School of Oriental and African Studies Library, London and the one referred to by Rivara in his Essay entitled Arte da Lingua Canarina (Grammar of Canarim Language) a manuscript, appears to be same. The reference to Pollida must be pointing to the Marathi language.
Apart from the writings from the Jesuits and Franciscans during the seventeenth century, we do not find anyone from among the laity in the faculty of writing because it constantly lived under tremendous fear of torture from the Office of the Inquisition in Goa. Priolkar in his treatise THE GOA INQUISITION (Bombay 1961), gave an objective exposure to the nature of functioning of the Inquisition Office, which created terror in Goa, presuming that there were people around against the Christian faith and indulged in punishing them. Fact should be borne in mind that there was still a need for seeking permission from the Archbishop’s Office even though existance of the Office of the Inquisition almost became extinct after June 16, 1812. Prince Regent informed the Viceroy, Conde de Sarzedas, that he had decided to abolish the Inquisition of Goa for all time and that the principle of tolerance of all cults should be recognised. The royal orders were promptly complied with. (The Goa Inquisition, p. 184) Only after that small attempts were made by a few writers, from outside the missionary folds to contribute to the Christian literature in the vernacular language which was being written still in the Roman script. A stock-taking of known as well as mostly anonymous authorship would not be out of place at this juncture.
1. Simon Alz and his father Lourenço Alz (Shenoy Brahmins of Chorão),
(i). (1695) Arte da Grammatica da Lingua Bramana (Grammar of the Bramhin Language - manuscript), Chorão, MDCICV, a very essential work for the missionaries, preachers, confessors, writers, poets, and students in the East. It contains vocabulary from the Brahmin, Portuguese, and Spanish languages.
(ii). (1696)(a). Questionnaire for confession in the country language (b). Short questionnaire for confession in the common tongue. (c). Short and more succint questionnaire for cofession.
2. Father Francisco Xavier (an Italian Carmelite. His name does not appear but can be generalised with a bit of guess-work)
i. Grammatica ou Observaçoes Grammaticaes sobre a Lingua de Concana (Grammar or Grammatical Observations about the Language of Konkan- manuscript).
ii. Diccionario da Lingua Concana (Dictionary of Konkan Language – Portguese and Konkani alongwith Italian words; the vocabulary is added to the Grammatica referred above- manuscript.)
3. D. Father Manoel de São Galdino (1812-1831, Archbishop of Goa 1812-1831 until his death). It is said that he had written a Grammatica in the local Goan language)
4. Second text of Paixão de Cristo (Christi Vilapika) in the Roman script,(from: folios M41–632 to folios M41–643), supplementing the Cristapuranna of Father Thomas Stephens) available in the Central Library, Government of Goa Panaji, Goa i. e. Esta paixaõ foy composta pello Padre Manoel Jaques de Noronha natural de Sancoale morador em Azossim freguezia de Sam Matheus das Ilhas de Goa. Escripto por Manoel Saluador Rebello, morador em Margaõ da Provincia de Salcete no anno 1768 (Passion of Christ composed by Father Manoel Jaques de Noronha, native of Sancoale, resident in Azossim, of the parish of S. Matheus of the Island of Goa. Written by Manoel Saluador Rebello, resident in Margaõ of Salcete in the year 1768.
5. Anonymous: (i). Confissionario em lingu Bramana(Dialogue between the Confesser and the Penitent according to the Commandments of the Laws of God and the Church etc. – (ii). Suamiya Jesu Christachea Zalmachy Sicouonno i.e. Learning from the birth of Jesus. (Jardin dos Pastores?) It is available in the Central Library, Government of Goa, Panaji.
6. Anonymous: Manuel de Devocoes, e Doutrina Christã, in Portuguese and local language but printed in Bombay, 1848.
7. Passion of Christ Our Redeemer, composed by Father Thomas Stephens of the Society of Jesus. Some additions of hymns are, probably, added in 1772 by Pascoal Gomes da Faria, priest of the Order and habit of the Prince of the Apostle Saint Peter who was a native of Batim, parish of Our lady of Guadalupe in Goa. Most probably this is the Paixão de Cristo included at the end of Cristapuranna of Stephens.
8. Padre Pascoal Dias: A native from Carmona, Salcete. He translated into vernacular
(i) The Preparation of Mental Prayer, which was approved by the Pastoral of Archbishop D. Father Manoel De São Galdino, on October 26, 1813 and transliterated into Konkani by Father Pascoal Dias, native of Carmona.
(ii) Novas Meditaçoes (32 folios) (New Meditations to be carried out during the Way of the Cross) in the language of Goa. Printed at Imprensa Nacional, Panaji, 1856.
(iii) Preparação do Oração Mental, and Stabat Mater (32 folios) along with other various prayers. Ed. Miguel Vincente d’Abreu, Secretary to Goa Government, Printed at Imprensa Nacional, Goa, 1855.
While all the Christian Marathi writers, whose books are available in the Roman script, we come, for the first time, across a Jesuit, who wrote his book in Marathi applying the Devanãgri script to his writing. His name is Father Simão Gomes. Prof. Priolkar titles his book as “Sarueshuaracha Gnanopadesh”. This book, too, confronts the Hindu thought and gods while preaching the Christianity and is meant for the people residing outside the realm of the Portuguese reign on the borderline of Goa but somewhere in Karnataka. Apart from religious and linguistic students, a careful researcher of sociology will be in a position to study the aspects of Marathi culture in Karnataka during the 17th century, if this book is studied.
One cannot overlook the fact that these Christian Marathi writers, who studied Marathi and read and wrote fluently in that language might have had an immense and suitable help from the texts written during the pre-Portuguese period in Goa. Stephens, himself, had referred to the poets of yesteryears but since they were found to be a bit difficult to comprehend, he preferred to refer to the syntax of contemporary poets and lingua franca of the Brahmins for writing his Puranna. (30) He says as follows:
The whole is writteneth into Marathi for amongst all the languages of the land this hath appeared to be apt for the word of the LORD be it known. However, since the commonality doth not comprehend it in medium of chest Marathi, doth thou know what hath done that wilt benefit more people with good fruits of the epic? The poetry is writteneth in lucid style sans the difficult words in the writings of the poets of yesteryears and blending them, at every place, with more easy words from the language writteneth presently into poetry and spoken by the Brahmins.
Of course, one cannot turn a blind eye to some resemblances in the two different excerpts:
(1). Zaissy harall ã mazi ratnaquillã
Qui ratnã mazi hira nilla
Taissy bhassã mazi choqhallã
Bhassa Maratthy
Zaissy puspã mazi puspa mogary
Qui parimallã mazi casturi
Taissy bhassã mazi saziri
Maratthyiya
Paqhiã madhẽ maioru
Vruqhiã madhẽ calpataru
Bhassã madhẽ manu thoru
Maratthiessi
Tarã madhẽ bara rassy
Sapta varã mazi rauy sassy
Ya dipicheã bhassã madhẽ taissy
Boly Maratthiya
(Cristapuranna –I, I, 122 – 125)
(2) Zaissy dipã mazi diuatty
Cã tithi mazi pournnima gomatty
Taissy bhassã madhẽ
Maratthy saruotama
Zaissy saritã madhẽ Godauary
Cã paruatã madhẽ Ratnaguiry
Taissy bhassã madhẽ sagiry
Marhastti pai
Harallã madhẽ ratnaquillã
Cã puspã madhẽ camalla
Taissy bhassã madhẽ sozualaa
Sobhiuanta disse
Parimallã madhẽ casturi
Cã amarã madhẽ Xambarari
Taissy Marhatthy sundari
Bhassã madhẽ
(Yoagwasishttha, I, 94 – 97)
Translation:
(1): Just like luminous pebbles
Or blue diamond amongst jewels,
So spotless amongst languages
Is Marathi.
Just like jessamine amongst flowers
Or musk amongst fragrances
So graceful amongst languages
Is Marathi.
Just like a peacock amongst birds
KALPATARU¹ amongst trees
Anointed among languages
Is Marathi.
A star amongst the zodiac
The Sun and the Moon amongst planets²
So amongst the languages of the peninsula
Is language Marathi
(Christpuranna:1 :1: 122-125)
(2): Just like lamp amongst torches
Or a sweet full moon day amongst the lunar days
So the best amongst the languages
Is Marathi
Like Godauari amongst rivers
Or Ratnaguiri³ amongst mountains
So graceful amongst languages
Is Marathi
Just like luminous pebbles
Or lotus amongst flowers,
So spotless amongst languages
Is adorning Marathi
Like musk amongst fragrances
So Marathi, the lass
Amongst languages
(Yoaguasishttha : 1: 94-97)
-----------------------
¹ KALPATARU – the mythical tree in heaven; the tree that yields whatever is desired.
² planetary system
³ RATNAGUIRI – the mythical mountain mentioned in Ramayanna that was brought at the hands of Hanumant, the goddess of strength, for medication, while Laxmanna, the younger brother of Rama, was unconscious during the Rauanna-Rama war in Lanka; the mythical mountain studded with valuable herbs/jewels which is also known as Dronnaguiri.
The poetry in Marathi was at the disposal of these Christian Marathi authors that included from the 13th century as well. Croix has noted down in the margin of his manuscript of PETER PURANNA. Manoel de Olivier, originally a Brahmin, helped the Christian Marathi writers. He broke open the doors of his erstwhile Hindu relatives and friends and made good with the literature therein. He had translated a book entitled Anadipuranna authored by a Goan Namdeo. One would come across Portuguese translations of 13th Chapter of Dneaneshwary and some writings of Vishnnudas Nama. Andre Vaz, a translator of Padre Francisco Rodrigues, was of a great help to his master to comprehend the Marathi and Sanskrit languages. A quite number of these books are still available in India, London and Braga (Portugal). A handy bibliography in view of the same, is given herewith, that may be of some help to research scholars:
b. Adipuranna or Brahmapuranna,
c. Ahilyapuranna or Ahilyasudhi,
d. Anug. Puranna,
e. Asuamedhapuranna,
f. Bhagawatapuranna,
g. Dronnapuranna,
h. Gita,
i. Harichandrapuranna
j. Kalpapuranna,
k. Kalipuranna,
l. Krushnapuranna,
m. Prahaladapuranna,
n. Prahaladpuranna,
o. Sitasudhi,
p. Vashishthayoga,
q. Ziwacha Mokh.
Father Croix had noted, in short-form, names of the above texts in the margin on his manuscript of Peterpuranna, which is kept in conservation of Biblioteca Naçional de Lisboa, Portugal.
Under codices 771, the following books are available:
1. Raghunathachea Vansachi Catha (Fls 12),
2. Dashratachi Catha, Dusari Catha (Fls 15),
3. Ramachy Zalma Catha (Fls 25),
4. Aranne Canddichy Catha (Fls 52),
5. Panchavattiquechy Catha (Fls 58),
6. Ramaenna (Fls 65),
7. Vidhurachy Catha (Fls 135),
8. Ramaenna adheao dussaro (Fls 67),
9. Adhi Parva (Fls 147),
10. Assuamedhu.
Dr. Pandurang Sakharam Shennavi Pissurlenkar, one of the noted historians India has ever produced, had referred to Dronnapuranna. He had also noted down the bunch of such writing in the Roman script at Biblioteca Publica de Braga under codices no. 773, wherein the names of the authors could also be enlisted as follows: (31)
1. Ballakridda - Simpa Nama (Fls 129v – 131v),
2. Bhagauadagitechy tika - Nivrutti Deua (Fls 209 – 233v),
3. Dharmacha Ashwamedha - Vishnnudasanama (?) (Fls 270),
4. Garuddachi Katha - Sivadas (Fls – 128 – 129v),
5. Gurusikhye Sanwadu - anonymous (Fls 259),
6. Harischandra-purannakatha- Vishnnudasanama (Fls 71 – 101),
7. Harannichy Katha - anonymous (Fls 133 – 134),
8. Karnna Parva - Vishnnudasanama (Fls 275),
9. Krushnna-Arjunacha Saunuadu - anonymous (Fls 285 – 287),
10. Krushnnacharitra Katha - Krushnnadas Shama, (Fls 1 – 66),
11. Madalassa - anonymous (Fls 262),
12. Mruga Rajachy Katha - anonymous (Fls 290 – 292),
13. Prahlad Charitra - Vishnnudasanama, (Fls 66 – 70),
14. Rajanitichya Ovya - anonymous (Fls 134 v),
15. Ramacha Ashuamedhu - anonymous (Fls 234 – 252v),
16. Rukminni Suayamawar - anonymous Fls 262v),
17. Sita Haranna - anonymous Fls 281),
18. Sukhdeva Charitra Katha - Vishnnudasanama (Fls 253 – 258),
19. Vasishtha yogu - Dnyanadeua (from Goa)(Fls 102 – 127v).
Dr. Pissurlenkar has also mentioned the following texts vide Biblioteca Publica de Evora (codices CXV/2-7)(Fls 42):
1. Anadi Puránna
2. Dneaneshwary - Dneaneshwar (1290 de C.)
3. Poems de Vishnnudasnama - (Alguns.),
4. Yogaraj Tillak (Livro de Datatraia)- Amrutananda,
5. Viuehka Sindhu - Mukundaraja (1128 de C.).
Krushnnadas Shama, who hailed from Kelashi (Queolossim), wrote poetry entitled Krushnnacharitra Katha in 1526. It is based on the first ten chapters of 10th Canto in the celebrated Sanskrut classic namely “Bhagawat”. It was completed well before Saint Eknath’s poetry that was written in Maharashtra during 1566. Padre Croix’s manuscript of Peter Puranna that was traced later on by Shri Laxmikant Vyankatesh Prabhu Bhembre exhibit several references from the Krushnnacharitra Katha
Another twentieth century scholar Dr. Jersen de Cunha has brought forth the following entry that may be included under this topic of the literature that was of some help to the Christian Marathi writers:
“One of the happiest results of the conversion of the Prabhu’s by the Portuguese was the production of local native historian, who, when converted, became Caetano de Souza, and wrote a work in Portuguese entitled A Historia de Mahim, in 1594. He said to have based his history on the Kaostuba – Chintamani for his account of the Prabhu’s…Mr. Nayak wrote for information to Gabriel Duarte, another Prabhu convert and Government pensioner of H. M.’s Dockyard, who replied on the March 31, 1876, thus:
‘It gave an account of the voyage of Vasco da Gama to the East Indies, and also an account of the reign of Raja Bimba and other Prabhu rajas of Mahim, Salcette, etc. who came from the Deccan.’ – S. M. Nayak’s History of the Pattana Prabhus, p. 65.” (32)
This is the fourth chapter of Mahikawatichi Bakhar (33) that gives a political account from 1138 to 1538 given by Bhagawan Nand Dutt that was observed by the Christian Marathi writers. Stephens was in the Bassein from 1611-1612 teaching Marathi. This Kaostuba Puranna might have gone from under his eyes.
Dr. Cunha mentions of such writers usually addressing a prayer to Jesus and Mary:
Vo namo visuabharita
Deua Bapa sarua samaratha
Paramesuara sateuanta
Suarga prathuuichea rachanara
(CRISTA PURANNA - I, I, 1)
Translation:
Praise ye thee Lord- fullness thereof the universe
And the Lord - O ye mighty
Lord God, holder of the truth
And creator of the heaven and earth
or
Namanã Mariye mate maza deĩ Crupa varudhanã
Tuzenĩ praçadẽ ancuuara hoila cauichẽ gneanã
(First text of the Paixão de Cristo (Christi Vilapika) in the Roman script -1)
Translation:
I plead for mercy of the Mother, bless my soul
Thy favour wilt entreat poet’s knowledge
or
Curpe bharite
Duqhesti mate
Cauiyãssi ritu honty:
Crupecha varu
Dhiru adharu
Tuze passĩ magaty. 1.
(Second text of Paixão de Cristo (Christi Vilapika) in the Roman script- 1)
Translation:
O merciful
Sorrowing Mother
Poet feel inspired
Blessed be kindness
And endurance
Plead my cause to thee
He opines that such addressable is generally found in the Hindoo religious writings. After reading such writing, the Christian Marathi writers might have been inspired to follow the same in the name of Jesus and Mary. (34)
Dõ Franciso Garcia (1580-1659) who was in India since 1602 translated Vishnnudas Namacruta Harschandrachi Catha, Siũhasana Batishi or Vikramadityache Aqheana and selected forty stories from the books written by the then Bramanas into Portuguese. Sometimes we come across discrepancies like names. The Dhruuache Charitra mentions name of Zanarzune instead of Dhruua and that of his father Utanapada as Hutanacharannu. Francis Roiz also translated some Hindu Marathi scriptures into Portuguese. Manoel Oliveira translated Amrutananda’s Yogaraza Tillaka into Portuguese.
But, Archbishop D. Francisco da Assunçao disallowed Stephan’s Crista Puranna, the classic that saw immeasurable popularity since 1616, for reading in churches in 1776. (34) Such ban was the beginning of the end of writing in vernaculars. At lat the series of such writing came to an abrupt end. It was 1684, the year that saw sadly the extermination of vernaculars. The Viceroy, Francis de Tavora, Count of Alvor on the June 27, 1684 published a decree of Law that screamed:
“In order to put an end to all conveniences, it would be suitable to set aside the use of the vernacular idiom and to insist that all apply themselves to speak Portuguese since the use of both the languages at one and same time gives cause to various inconveniences, including that being not understood…I assign three years, a period within which the Portuguese language is ought to be studied and spoken. Moreover, this language alone should be used by the people in these parts in their dealings and other contracts which they may wish to enter into, those using the vernacular being severely punished for not obeying this mandate.” (35)
As a result, the quantity of writing in the vernacular languages remained quite negligible. There was no scope for dialectic literature in stead didactic writing flourished in Goa. The invaluable logical dexterity, in the local language, had no place in Goa where the air of fear and favour had occupied the space. Keeping that possibility apart, even a dialogue between the two dominant communities could not hold roots in the soil of religious intolerance. The authority in Goa was indulged in increasing the number of people accepting the Christian faith instead of improving upon their intellectual capability, which could have broadened their outlook as well. Own language could have helped the natives to comprehend their own identity and in course of time, this enlightenment could have been detrimental for foreign existence in Goa and other parts of the world. Goan progress, in the bargain, in own native language dwindled in such environment.
Many Hindoo Goans, during the nineteenth century in Goa, who had Marathi, a strong medium for expression at their disposal, earned name and fame for themselves as Marathi writers inadvertently helping Marathi to develop and grow in Goa. But most Christian Konkani writer have still long way to go. They craved and carved a niche in the language and its literature but they will have to still open up vigorously in Konkani writing especially in the faculty other than poetry, short stories, novel, tiatre etc. Optimistically enough, if observed, then one would not deny the fact that the natives in Goa took courage in all walks of life, after they were liberated from the cruel clutches of Portuguese and their diktat only recently in 1960s and since then have been striving to soar high up in the sky with a positive set up of mind.
Thus, one can conveniently say that it was Father Thomas Stephens, who gave a fresh impetus to writing in Marathi in Goa during the 17th century. Poetry writing in Marathi, especially, greatly advanced thereafter. All these Christian missionaries whose immense contribution to the Marathi language in Goa needs a special mention not only while writing the history of Marathi literature during the seventeenth century but also while making a much needed proper documentation of an all India literature since they kept on, against all odds, the spirit of writing in the vernaculars.
It is quite interesting to note that though the entire writing in India had religious perspective and had sectarian ethos, it was never observed as the missionary writing. It is a known reality that no religious writing can thrive in vacuum unless it has certain mission to propagate. Bloody battles were fought, in India, between the protagonists on such so-called religious lines and their literature prevailed upon the large masses for all the times. The followers of the middle-path, the non-fighting class, in the Hindu fold honoured all the protagonists in their fold. The non-fighting and non-intellectual class of Hindu way of life accepted all of them and their gods en masse in own temples in course of time sincerely for religious rituals, and adopted names of such gods for their spouses, in spite of the fact that they could not see eye to eye in the past. The entire concept of mission, missionary zeal, missionary work, missionary propaganda missionary ferocity, missionary enmity, missionary competition and attempts of creating missionary infrastructure in view of creating a militant cult was and is still very much persuasive in Indian writing. However, in spite of that when we talk of missionary work we talk of Christian infrastructure that has descended to India through the ages. Indian languages, which have not in, any way succeeded in alienating Indian practices despite the handiwork of foreign agencies. The agencies, though, at the later stage, remained synonymous to a disciplined and articulate handling of programmes has tremendous influence on its the followers. Nevertheless, the followers of middle-path among the Hindoos in Goa, for a considerable period, though remained politically alienated from India were not altogether consciously different entity and identity. It remained part of the Hindoo culture as a whole, and comprehends today the term missionary work as others in the rest of India.
The presence of Muslim community, in Goa, was not curiously exciting during the Portuguese rule. Richard F. Burton, the celebrated British writer of the book ‘Goa and the Blue Mountains’ (1851) has mentioned as follows:
“The Moslem population at Panjim (Panaji) scarcely amounts to thousand. They have no place of worship, although their religion is now, like all others tolerated. Anciently, neither Moslem nor Jew could, under pain of death, publicly perform the rites of his religion in any Indo-Portuguese settlement. The distinctive mark of the Faithful is the long beard. They appear superior beings by the side of the degenerate native Christians.” (36)
Although at certain point Burton has characterised member of this community as –
“…grim looking bushy-bearded Moslem, who spends half his days in praying for the extermination of the infidel, and never retires to rest without groaning over degeneracy of the times, and sighing for the good old days of Islam, when the Faithful had nothing to do but to attack, thrash, rob, and murder, the Unfaithful.” (37)
I do not know whether any one in the Muslim fold, today, exhibits or buttresses such lineage, which was quite a dominant class before Timmayya invited Afonsso de Albuquerque in Goa.
As far as various religious practices are concerned the Hindu mindset has tendency to worship the Christian icons like Jesus, Vailenkinni, N. Sra. Do Perpetual Socorro and Milagres (Saibinna), Saint Francis Xavier (Goãcho Saiba) so also quite a number of Christians go to Hindu temples to seek the consent and blessings (Kaula or praçada) of the deities. We come across many in Goa, who have not forgotten their ancestral Hindu names and caste variation and lineage. They proudly mention about it while having conversing with their Hindu brethren. Literature on all these topics is warranted in the free and democratic Goa unraveling the truth of life, its history and dialectic nature. But life on this tiny part of Indian sub-continent is far from the stage of awakening and still resembles to that of 18th century as Sir Burton mentioned:
“Early in the morning, rudely roused by curiosity, we went on to inspect the celebrated view of the Rio de Goa. The air was soft and fragrant, at the same time sufficiently cool to be comfortable. A thin mist rested upon the lower grounds and hovered half way up the hills, leaving their palm clad summits clear to catch the silvery light of dawn. Most beautiful was the hazy tone of colour all around contrasted with the painfully vivid tints, and the sharp outlines of an Indian view seen a few hours after sunrise. The uniformity of the cocoanut groves, which at first glance appeared monotonous, gradually became tolerable. We could now remark that they were full of human habitations, and intersected by numbers of diminutive creeks.”
Goa should attempt to decide whether or not to remain the same as was seen by Burton…
--------------------------------------
1. “Al diabro que te doo: quem te traxo aquà? – e preguntaram – lhe que vinhamos buscar tam lonje, e elle lhe respondeo: - vimos buscar Christãos e especiaria” (Oh Devil! Who brought you here? We have in search of Christians and spices.) Roteiro da Viagem de Vasco da Gama em 1497, 2a. ediçaão, (Ed. – A. Herculano & o Barão do Castello de Paiva), Lisboa, 1861, p.1.
2. Payne, K. G., Vasco da Gama and His Successors, London, 1910, p. 33.
3. Charpentier, Jarl. The Livro da Seita dos Indios Orientais, Upsala, 1983, Introduction, p. xxi.
4. Rego, António da Silva., Documentação para a História das Missões do Padroado Portuguêse do Oriente, vol. 1, Lisboa, 1947. Pp. 6-9.
5. “para delles se aver falla e practica.” – Cortesão Jaime., A Expedição de Pedro Alvares Cabral e o Descobrimento do Brasil, Lisboa, 1922 p. Cited by Pandurang Sakharam Shennavi Pissurlenkar, Os Premeiros Goeses em Portugal (Separate do Boletim do Instituto Vasco da Gama, No. 31-1936, Bastorá (Goa), 1936, p.1.
6. Op. cit., Roteiro da Viagem de Vasco da Gama em 1497, p. 51.
7. Pannikkar, K. M., Asia and Western Dominance, Kuala Lumpur, The Other Press, 1993 (reprint) with an Introduction by Claude Alvares and Teotonio R De Souza.
8. de Souza, Teotónio R., Portuguese Participation in Goa’s Inland Economic Activities, a paper read during the seminar (25-28 April, 2001, Goa University) on Maritime Activities of India with a special reference to the Portuguese, 1500-1800, p. 1.
9. Op. cit., Documentação para a História das Missões do Padroado Portuguêse do Oriente, Lisboa, 1991, doc 76, p. 171.
10. Cartas de Affonso de Albuquerque Seguidas de Documentos Que as Elucidam, tom III, (ed.- Raymundo A. de Bulhão Pato, Lisboa, 1884, p. 40.
11. Coates, Timothy. Degredados e órfas: Colonização Dirigida pela Coroa no Império Portuguêse, 1550-1755, Lisboa, CNCDP, 1998, p. 274.
12. Op. cit., Cartas de Affonso de Albuquerque, Bulhão Pato, p. 21.
13. Orientalia, pp. 180-181.
14. (i-a). Cortesão, Armando., The Suma Oriental of Tome Pires and Book of Fransisco Rodrigues, Vol. I, (translated from Portuguese by Cortesão), The Haklyut Society, London, 1944, p. 54.,
(i-b). MSS folio no. 133r as mentioned by Armando Cortesão.,
(i-c). Cortesão, Armando., The Suma Oriental of Tome Pires and Book of Fransisco Rodrigues, Vol. I, (translated from Portuguese by Cortesão), The Haklyut Society, London, 1944 reprinted (Asean Educational Services), New Delhi-Madras, 1990, p. 54.,
15. (ii). A Suma Oriental., (ed.) Armando Cortesão, 1978, pp. 212-217.
16. Hamilton, Alexander., A New Account of the East Indies, Vol. I, London, 1727, p. 251.
17. Pissurlenkar, Pandurang Sakharam Shennavi., Colaboradores Hindus de Afonso de Albuquerque, Bastorá, 1941 p. 15. He mentions, therein, about this incident given by Padre Leonardo Paes in his book Promptuario das Diffinições Indicas.
18. The Encyclopaedia Britannica, Vol. 15, 11th edition, Cambridge, 1911, p. 337.
19. Monumenta Ignatian, Consttutiones, II, 455, cited by John Correia-Afonso, Jesuit letters and Indian History, Bombay, 1955, p. 58.
20. Rodeles, Cecilio Gomes., Earliest Jesuit Printing in India, The Journal the Asiatic Society of Bengal, Vol. IX, No. 4, April 1913, p. 164.
21. Srinivsan, Thomas., Beschi, the Tamil Scholar and Poet, New Review, I (1935), p. 269 cited by P. Ceyrac, Father Beschi, -Vira-Mamunivar, Indica: (Silver Jubilee Commemoration Volume, The Indian Historical Institute), Bombay, 1953, p. 60.
22. Quoted in Essay on Konkani by Joaquim Heliodoro da Cunha Rivara, cited in the Printing Press in India by its author Anant Kakba Priolkar, Bombay, 1958, p. 163. A footnote has been supplemented stating that all the decrees of these Provincial Councils are published in the fourth fascicule of the Archivo Portuguez Oriental edited by Cunha Rivara, Goa, 1862.
23. Priolkar, op. cit., Printing in India, p. 2
24. Schurhammer Georgious and Josephus Wicki, Ephistolae S. Francisci Xavierii II, 1945, 211.
25. Priolkar, Anant Kakaba., Two ecently Discovered Letters of Father Thomas Stephens, The Journal of the University of Boaby, Vol.XXV, Part II, September, 1956, p. 123.
26. Schurhammer, George., Uma Obre rarissima impressa em Goa no ano 1588, Boletim do Instituto Vasco da Gama, No. 73-1956, p. 8.
27. (i). Stephens, Thomas., Crista Puranna, the manuscript
(available in the Central Library, Panaji, Goa) re-written by Manoel Salvador Rebello, Margao, 1767, p. M41-10. It is beautifully written imitating the round and ornmentl lettering and drawings of the anecdots related to the Bible.
(ii). Stephens, Thomas., Crista Puranna, (ed.) The Christian Puranna of Father Thomas Stephens S. J., Mangalore, 1907, Introduction.
27. A Paixão de Christo, A Marathi Poem on the Crucifixion of Christ,
ed. A. K. Priolkar, Bombay, 1940), Vol. IX, Part III, Journal of the University of Bombay, September, 1940, pp. 182-211),
28. Priolkar, op. cit., Printing Press in India, p. 227.
29. Ibid., p. 227.
30. Cristapuranna., ed. Carridade Drago, Bombay, 1996, p. L.
31. Pissurlenkar, Pandurang Sakharam Shennaui.,
i. Portugalateel Maharashtra Santa Vangmayacha Amulya ttheua, Bhartamitra, Rivonna-Goa, December 1954, p. 356,
ii. Roman Lipiteel Vaishtta Yoag, Rivonna-Goa, Bharatamitra, October 1956, p. 257-59,
iii. A Proposito dos Premeiros Livros Maratas Impressos em Goa, Boletim do Instituto Vasco-da-Gama, no. 73, Goa 1956, Goa, 1956, p. 59, 61-62, 66-67,
iv. Sllavya Shatakattel Konkanni Gadya, Bharatamitra, Rivonna- Goa, February 1957, p. 62,
v. Nivrutteshwaracha Shoadh, Bharatamitra, Rivonna-Goa, April 1957, p. 109-110.
32. da Cunha, J. Gerson., The Origin of Bombay, Bombay, 1900, p. 119.
31. Keshawacharyakruta Mahikawatichi oorrfa Mahimachi Bakhar,
(Ed. V. K. Rajwade, Bombay, 1924.
33. da Cunha, J. Gerson., The Konkani Language and Literature,
Bombay, 1881, pp. 35-36.
34. Pissurlencar, Panduranga S. S., A Proposito dos Premeiros Livros MaratasImpressoes em Goa, Boletim do Instituto Vasco da Gama, No.73, Goa, 1956, p. 69.
35. Priolkar, op. cit., Printing Press in India, p. 183.
36. Burton., Richard F., Goa and the Blue Mountains, London 1851, p. 106.
37. Ibid., p.10.
Goan Christian Marathi Vilapika : During the 17th Century
S.M. Tadkodkar, B.R. Pub., 2010, xvi, 372 p, tables, figs, ISBN : 81-7646-498-8, $55.00 (Includes free airmail shipping)
Contents: Introduction. Prologue to the readers. 1. Christian Marathi literature in Goa. 2. Contribution of A.K. Priolkar and V.B. Prabhudessai to the study of Christian Marathi literature written during the 17th century. 3. Textual criticism and the Christian Marathi literature in Goa. 4. Depiction of suffering and the Cry. 5. Scheme of transliteration of Christian Marathi literature in Goa. 6. Texts of the Paixao de Cristo (Christi Vilapika) in the Roman script. 7. Texts of the Paixao de Cristo (Christi Vilapika) transliterated from the Roman script into the Devanagari script. 8. Structure of Marathi language in Christian literature in Goa. Appendices: 1. Censures and licenses. 2. Glossary (Marathi-Roman as well as Devanagari script-English). 3. Explanatory notes-I. 4. Explanatory notes-II. 5. Four texts of CHILAYABAL VILAPIKA. 6. Bibliography. 7. Texts of the Christi Vilapika.
"This book is a faithful reproduction of original texts of Christian Marathi Vilapika (Passion of Christ), written by Catholic missionaries during the 17th century in Marathi language and Roman script, while the Portuguese were ruling Goa.
Dr. S.M. Tadkodkar, an ardent research student of Christian Marathi literature of the 17th century, has offered in this book edited copies of three poems based on sublime pathos of the crucifixion of Jesus of Nazareth. He also transliterated the texts into the Devanagari script.
Dr. Tadkodkar has restored original texts after following principles of textual criticism. The author has also investigated linguistic form of the 17th century in Goa to explore whether it resembles with that of 12th and 13th centuries Marathi language in Maharashtra.
The linguistic erudition reflected in these consolidated texts would emerge as a patient study of the 17th century enriched with glossary and copious notes.
This attempt should be considered as the valuable contribution to the understanding of vernacular languages, which offer potentially abundant material for specialized linguistics." (jacket)
